that this consent must be necessary for someone, if they are so constantly
asking us for it, and if they are threatening us with dire consequences in the
event of our refusal, if they are even giving us a time limit in which to state
our agreement ....
cc We have lost much in this war—our State, millions of our citizens and
our capital. We are left with our army rebuilt abroad,, and with the com-
mitments of our Treaties and our moral rights to our independence and our
territory. Now they wish us to renounce even this much and for this
renouncement of our rights we are to receive, not compensation, not
guarantees, but merely promises of compensation and promises of guarantees.
But even in the event of our consent, they will not acknowledge our right to
a free life and rule in what is left of Poland, for there is no promise that our
rightful Government will be allowed to return or that the Soviet's sponsored
* Lublin Committee ' will be dissolved by Moscow.
" We cannot gain by signing our death warrant, and we shall not lose by
upholding those principles and slogans with which we decided to fight even
after the military defeat of our country,"
" It may well be that., as a result of this British bargaining with the Soviets
over the Polish problem " wrote a well-known Polish scientist in a letter to
Prime Minister Mikolajczyk, " that a section of the Polish people will be
forced to seek for some means of survival in the frame of the Russian system .
The possibility cannot be excluded that in such an event political groups
might arise who would forward the programme of a Polish-Russian colla-
boration in an attempt to weaken the pressure of the Soviet police apparatus
on the Polish population. History has already acknowledged the value of
some of those so-called Quisling Governments which sprang up in prac-
tically every European country under German occupation. It, therefore,
cannot be excluded that, in an effort to save that section of Polish people
now under Russian domination, perhaps in addition to a few traitors and
common informers, some honest Polish Quislings, with the best of intentions
might begin to collaborate with the Soviets. But never could such Quislings
be a Premier of Poland or members of our Government. The Government
of Poland must be from that section of the Polish people who fight for their
independence. The legal Government represents to the world a symbol
of the Polish will for freedom—our will to belong to the Western civilisation.
There are things greater than life itself and more abiding than the fluctua-
tions of the international situation. The Polish people's deeds during this
war have been witness to their attachments to the moral values. The Presi-
dent and the Government are the guardians of those values and they cannot
• "A crime committed against Poland will remain an everlasting stain on
the records of English history. The signature of the Polish Premier, the
legal representative of the Polish State, will be necessary in order to absolve
England should she commit such a crime. Because of this, the Polish
Government cannot, and must not, give in ..."
"Time and Tide observed that " The Polish soldiers, many of whom realise
that, unless a miracle happens, they will never return to their homes,
because those homes will no longer be Poland, are fighting meanwhile with
undiminished gallantry and fighting furthermore in the Allied armies, on
those sectors of the front where that fighting is most stubborn. The names
of Cassino3 Falaise, Breda, Arnhem, give the guarantee that, at least, they
will never be forgotten."